The Rage and Revolt, Alessi Dell'Umbria, 2009 
The author of this book is neither a journalist or sociologist in the early 1980s, he participated in the first wave of revolt in the suburbs. He watched helplessly, his defeat and the establishment of a true apartheid office.
P.72:
"bourgeois civil society" is not civilized, based on competition and exclusion, it does its coherence as the police state.
p.73:
"My freedom ends where that of others" is the formula that best sums up this ideology of small landowners-the same ideology that now embodied in the habitat pavilion! Two centuries of bourgeois political and cultural hegemony have led to the disappearance of all forms of community may define a membership outside the sphere of the state.
p.75:
The state founded by the war, and the latter in the form of modern mass mobilizations, has always been a great machine to discipline - something well aware of all the leitmotif the old farts: "These young people, they needed a good war. "When the bodies and souls are disciplined enough, the enemy comes from within: it is insecurity, identified youth and immigrants and their descendants.
p.99:
The left in France is that the heir to a century of cowardice, lies and betrayals. The left has broken hopes in 1968, making ten million strikers return to the wild grief, dashing the hopes of radical change. The left is not the solution, it is part of the problem. Because without ever having been revolutionary, she has even more ways to be reformist. It merely fearmongering to mobilize its troops. To block the FN thus became, from the brilliant years of the Mitterand, the ultimate argument. Once elected candidates from left, criticizing the game would have the right or the extreme right ... this little blackmail reproducing indefinitely, any hint of protest was short-circuited in the name of the "fascist threat."
P.100:
In reality, the extreme right in France was never intended to take power. Whenever she had the opportunity to do so, she déballonnée. This was the case of General Boulanger in 1889, renouncing the last time to march on the National Assembly, while his supporters stood on the street. This was the case again in February 1934, where the leader of the Croix de Feu, Colonel de La Rocque refused to invest the Assembly, the leaders of the French Action brilliant for them by their absence in the street yet invested by their activists. And even the Algiers putsch in 1961, because the bulk of the army remained loyal to the tutelary figure of General de Gaulle, refused to get involved.
The reason for the extreme right has never had his chances in France is simple: throughout Europe, authoritarian regimes came to power where the nation-state was slow to emerge. It was violently reactivate the process, interrupted or slowed, the constitution of the nation-state: for Germany, the defeat of 1918 and the crisis of 1920, for Italy, by feelings of have been defrauded of the fruits of victory from 1918 insurgency and the threat of 1919-1920, for Spain, by social unrest and the Basque and Catalan autonomy. However, in France, the unbroken tradition of political centralization, and the strength of the national ideology, especially activated by colonialism, resulted in the formation of a powerful state apparatus, relayed in society calendar by a pervasive system of discipline. The only time this device has wavered, and the extreme right was able to power it was in the form of ghostly Vichy regime: by the grace of the German invasion, which brought the collapse of the Third Republic and not the result of a deliberate strategy to take power. Marshal Petain had been content to accept a power of a National Assembly at bay trying to get rid at any price.
All that to say that the FN has played a very simple : when the finger points at the moon, the idiot looks at the finger . And political idiocy is the best thing in the world shared in France. In other words, France has avoided fascism not because it is the land of freedom but because it is the country's authority.
p.119:
If religion tends to take more and more space in th the relegation zone that are housing estates, she comes into competition with other means of spiritual escape, namely Drug-drug. If the day of the believer is marked by prayers, that the consumer is dope by the frequency of their catch. In both cases it is the individual to fill the void of an existence where he is deprived of any means of living. The difference is that religion offers the individual isolated into communities, drugs in the cloister isolation. If religion cultivates humility and fatalism, cultivated drug narcissism and loneliness. This means that addiction is in many ways more in keeping with the essence of bourgeois civil society. Especially because, as economists would say, it creates jobs!
The gross calumny against the rebels of the fall of 2005, presented as dealers held defending their territory, was not credible, but it worked with the viewer-voter means. She ignored the difference between organized networks that control the comings and goings of an entire city and resort to the division of labor, and the occasional small dealer that sells to its account with some knowledge-and that is also found many children of immigrants than among the offspring of the middle class. The first need peace, and have no desire that squads of riot police to do away customers, for the latter, the deal is a precarious job among many others ...
p.122:
"If there is today in France relative social peace, thanks to cannabis, says a cop anonymous. Without it, the suburbs have exploded long before and with more violence. They are also large dealers and religious who have restored calm. "
We have reached Afternoon 
and we could see new books 
some closer 
Minnie, Tinkerbell and frogs 
Winter is coming 
To finish the poster for the next exhibition in Saint Marcellin 
